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Where did the term ‘parental rights’ come from?

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Where did the term 'parental rights' come from?

The term “parental rights” — while by no means new — has re-emerged during recent conflicts over sexual orientation and gender identity policies in Canadian schools.

When some parents and socially conservative groups protested LGBTQ-inclusive education school policies on Wednesday across Canada, many did so under the banner of parental rights, scrawling the words on signs and invoking them in speeches.

It’s especially come up in relation to policies that let LGBTQ kids change their name or pronouns without requiring schools to inform their parents. Saskatchewan and New Brunswick recently introduced policies that would require parental consent for children under 16 to do so, and other provinces are considering doing the same.

“I believe in parental rights, and parental rights come before the government’s rights,” Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre said during a recent interview with a Mississauga, Ont., news station. 

Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe and Manitoba Premier Heather Stefanson have also used the term in their social media posts, while New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs kept his message focused on parental rights while greeting protesters, but not counter-demonstrators at Wednesday’s March.

So what does “parental rights” mean, where does the phrase come from and who is included — and excluded — under its umbrella?

Critics call phrase a misnomer

Those who are critical of the term say it’s a misnomer that excludes LGBTQ parents or parents of LGBTQ children, and implies that parental rights take precedence over children’s rights.

“I think we can think of the parental rights movement as a conservative movement to limit the influence of government in people’s lives generally,” said Jen Gilbert, a professor at the University of Toronto’s Ontario Institute for Studies in Education.

“In the case of the marches that are happening this week and and more generally around the schooling, the parental rights movement has emerged as a movement to limit discussions of sexuality and gender in schools under the auspices of both protecting children and protecting parents’ rights to raise children as they see fit.”

WATCH | Protesters, counter-demonstrators clash over LGBTQ rights in schools: 

Thousands protest over gender identity, sex-ed policies in schools

Protests and counter-protests over LGBTQ school policies took place in Toronto on Wednesday, with many more happening across the country. The initial protests were organized under the banner of ‘1 Million March 4 Children’ to ‘protect our children from indoctrination and sexualization,’ according to the group’s website. Counter-protests took place in response, with thousands gathering at places like Queen’s Park.

As protests and counter-protests over LGBTQ rights in schools erupted across the country this week, CBC News spoke with people who had different understandings of parental rights.

“I think it’s important that we respect parental rights [and] respect parental choices,” said Nathan McMillan, a protester in Toronto. “If parents feel that sex education in a particular manner is not appropriate for their child, they should absolutely have that right to have those conversations privately offline.”

Shawn Rouse, the parent of a transgender child in Quispamsis, N.B., interpreted the phrase differently.

“I think a lot of people try to frame this as parental rights. That is a phrase that has been around for decades. Whenever a parent has something they don’t like at a public school, they say, ‘Well, I have parental rights,’ ” he said.

WATCH | N.B. parent on marches against LGBTQ-inclusive policies: 

where did the term parental rights come from 1

Parent of transgender child discusses parental rights

Shawn Rouse, who is the parent of a transgender child, says that a lot of the concern around trans rights stems from misinformation because many of these protesters have never spoken to a trans person and don’t understand they’re just normal people.

“This is nothing new. Any time that a public school curriculum decides that they are going to talk about something that a parent might not be comfortable with, there’s a pushback.”

The phrase has a long history in Canada that goes back to the late 19th and early 20th century, typically arising in relation to issues of language and religion in schools, according to Jason Ellis, an associate professor of education at the University of British Columbia.

“Parents expect the school, even though it’s compulsory, will educate their children more or less in the way that they want them to be educated,” said Ellis. 

When this unwritten contract is seen to break down, he said, “is where things tend to become very contentious.”

Protesters wave Pride and trans flags.
Counter-protesters in favour of LGBTQ inclusive sex education arrived at McGill University’s Roddick Gates in Montreal Wednesday morning. (Ivanoh Demers/Radio-Canada)

‘None of these discussions are new’

The parental rights movement is highly active in the U.S., where hundreds of pieces of anti-transgender legislation limiting discussion of sexual identity and gender orientation in schools have been passed or introduced this year alone — and where the term has a long history.

Canada’s parental rights movement shares some DNA with that of the U.S., according to Kristopher Wells, a Canada Research Chair at MacEwan University in Edmonton.

He noted that conservative Christian activist Anita Bryant toured Canadian cities with her 1970s Save Our Children campaign, which sought to overturn Miami County legislation that would end housing and employment discrimination against gay people in the name of parents’ rights.

“None of these discussions are new,” Wells said, noting that Alberta has often been at the forefront of the parental rights movement in Canada.

The province passed a 2009 bill that — while enshrining the rights of sexual minorities — also included a provision that would give parents the option of pulling their children out of lessons when topics related to sex, religion or sexual orientation were taught. (CBC News called it a parental rights clause at the time.)

In 2014, when the Alberta clause was debated during a party leadership forum, the phrase came up again.

The controversy over sex education in Ontario that began in 2015 was also framed as a matter of parental rights. So was a 2018 conflict over sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) curriculum in B.C. schools. And during Ontario’s school board elections in 2022, many candidates ran on parental rights platforms.

WATCH | SOGI protests organized by long-standing conservative groups, says researcher: 

where did the term parental rights come from 3

SOGI protests organized by long-standing conservative groups, researcher says

A.J. Withers, who researches social movements, says organizers of the anti-SOGI demonstrations have ties to COVID-19-related protests and have now ‘pivoted’ to organize against LGBTQ education and communities.

Phrase adopted by wide spectrum of groups

“We live in a very connected, networked world, so ideas about the framing of parental rights travels across national borders into Canada, to the U.S., to Australia, to the U.K. and back again,” said Gilbert.

Today, the phrase has been used by groups with a spectrum of political, social and religious affiliations. 

But it’s also been adopted by Canadian organizations like Action4Canada, a COVID-19 conspiracy group, and groups in the U.S. like Moms For Liberty, which the Southern Poverty Law Centre lists as a hate group.

LISTEN | How the parental rights movement became a massive political force: 

Front Burner23:50The origins of “parental rights”

The Canadian Anti-Hate Network, a non-profit that monitors extremism in Canada, has also expressed concern about a rise in parental rights policies and how they impact trans and LGBTQ youth.

“There’s something about this language of parental rights that has really caught on at this particular moment,” said Gilbert. “It speaks to a lot of people’s sense of disenfranchisement.”

Child advocates in New Brunswick and Saskatchewan have said that parental rights policies like the ones passed in their provinces could put children in danger of being outed to parents before they’re ready.

Trans youth in particular are at a significantly higher risk of suicide than their peers.

Advocates have also warned that the policies may violate international human rights agreements regarding children’s own rights, as well as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Saskatchewan Premier Moe recently said he’s prepared to protect his province’s rules around names and pronouns by using the notwithstanding clause, which allows a province to override parts of the Charter for up to five years.

Wayde N. Thabalanz is a 2016-17 New York Foundation for the Arts Fellow in Fiction and a 2015 NYFA Fellow in Poetry. His work has appeared in Best New Poets 2015, The Los Angeles Review.

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Israeli Power Company Reports Employee Fatally Struck By Attack From Lebanon

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Israeli Power Company Reports Employee Fatally Struck By Attack From Lebanon

Shalom Abudi, a 56-year-old employee of an Israeli power firm, was murdered by an anti-tank missile strike that came from the other side of the Lebanese border.

The Israel Electric Corporation acknowledged that the event happened in the Dovev area, about half a mile (800 meters) from the border between Lebanon and Israel.

The bombing increased hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, a militia supported by Iran.

The region has experienced heightened confrontations, especially between Israel and Hezbollah, in the aftermath of Hamas’s October 7 onslaught from the Gaza Strip.

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Base station antennas produce six signal beams

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Base station antennas produce six signal beams

With the changing needs of carriers in mind, MatSing has made its new 6-beam MBA product set generally available. In order to provide 4×4 MIMO support, greater beam separation, and significant signal gain increase, the high-performing antenna solution is made to deliver the best possible coverage and capacity for 4G LTE and 5G networks.

The whole low- and mid-band spectrum is covered by MatSing’s extensive 6-beam lens antenna portfolio, which supports frequencies from 600 MHz to 4200 MHz. Some of the new Gen II antennas that are perfect for capacity relief and macros are as follows:

For all forms of connection, including 4G LTE and 5G, the new 6-beam panel lens antenna portfolio offers an instant capacity relief alternative with scalability supplied in a highly economical manner. The performance of the 4G LTE networks has to be improved continuously, even as 5G deployments around the world continue to move quickly and are predicted to continue expanding over the next ten years. Carriers’ primary objective continues to be connecting more devices to the network at the same time while improving customer happiness.

See also: RF Engineers Gain Access To Technical Data And Simulation Models Through Modelithics And RFMW Collaboration

The enhanced coverage and increased capacity that carriers have been requesting are met by the new 6-beam MBA product set. The new Gen II antennas provide the best coverage and capacity option for 4G LTE and 5G networks due to their significant signal gain improvement, improved beam isolation, and support for 4×4 MIMO. These features are in response to the growing need for connection.

The extensive portfolio of 6-beam lens antennas covers all low- and mid-band needs, supporting frequencies from 600 MHz to 4200 MHz. The new antennas are perfect for macros and capacity relief since they offer a scalable, instantaneous solution at a very low cost for all connectivity types, including 4G LTE and 5G.

The ideal coverage and capacity solution for 4G LTE and 5G networks is offered by MatSing’s new 6-beam panel lens antenna portfolio, which is designed to offer significant signal gain enhancement, greater isolation between beams, and support for 4×4 MIMO. With quick capacity relief and scalability offered in a highly economical way for all forms of connection, including 4G LTE and 5G, the new Gen II antennas are perfect for macros and capacity relief.

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Indonesia Receives Almost 200 Rohingya Refugees, Reports Local Official

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Indonesia Receives Almost 200 Rohingya Refugees, Reports Local Official

The largest group of Rohingya refugees to arrive in Indonesia’s westernmost region in months, approximately 200 people, including women and children, did so on Tuesday. The Rohingya, a marginalized ethnic group from Myanmar, frequently embark on risky maritime expeditions, enduring protracted and costly voyages in delicate vessels in an attempt to reach Malaysia or Indonesia.

Local navy commander Andi Susanto claimed that the 196 refugees landed in the Pidie region of Aceh Province, in a remote place.

Some of the evacuees left right away after arriving inland; accounts vary as to how many of the ten or seven who made their way to the neighboring hills sought safety. A representative for the local fishing community, Marfian, surmised that these people might have been middlemen who brought refugees to the area on purpose.

Residents and local authorities helped the refugees by bringing food and drink to those who were left stranded on the shore.

Images sent to AFP showed exhausted refugees—including mothers holding small children—waiting for assistance on the shore. With around 200 Rohingya reported dead or missing during such treacherous sea crossings last year, the UN refugee agency predicts that over 2,000 Rohingya have tried the dangerous trek to Southeast Asian countries in 2022.

There is a pattern to the Rohingya migrants traveling by water to Indonesia, which is followed in this episode. 184 Rohingya refugees were forced to swim ashore after being abandoned at sea before arriving in the town of Peureulak in eastern Aceh in March. The difficulties and dangers Rohingya refugees encounter on their journey to safety and a better life in Southeast Asia are brought to light by their continuous arrival.

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